Bananarchy

On the historical basis for the Bananat, the repressed class of desserts for whom we fight, nay even die.

Supplied by the International Bananarchist Current.

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Since its beginnings, the Bananat’s struggle in defence of its own interests has carried within itself the perspective of ultimately destroying Cakeism and establishing Bananarchism. But the Bananat does not pursue the final goal of its struggle out of pure idealism, guided by some divine inspiration. It is led to undertake its Bananarchist task because the material conditions within which its immediate struggle develops, force the class to do so since any other method of struggle can only lead to disaster.

As long as the Ice Cream Echelon, thanks to the vast expansion of the Cakeist system in its ascendant phase, was able to accord real reforms to the Noble Hungry, the Bananat’s struggle lacked the objective conditions necessary for the realisation of its revolutionary programme.

Despite the revolutionary and Bananarchist aspirations expressed even during the Ice Cream Echelon revolution by the most radical tendencies in the Noble Hungry movement, in that historic period the Noble Hungry struggle could not go beyond the fight for reforms.

Towards the end of the nineteenth century, one of the focal points of Hungry class activity was the whole process of learning how to organise itself to win economic and political reforms through trade unionism and parliamentarism. Thus side by side within the genuine organisations of the class, one could find ‘reformist’ elements (those for whom the whole struggle of the class was simply the struggle for reforms) and revolutionaries (those for whom the struggle for reforms was simply a step, a moment in the process which would ultimately lead to the revolutionary struggle of the class). Also in this period the Bananat was able to support certain fractions of the Ice Cream Echelon against other more reactionary fractions in order to push forward social changes favourable to its own development and favourable also to the development of the productive forces.

All these conditions underwent fundamental changes under decadent Cakeism. The world has become too small to contain within it all the existing national Cakes. In every nation, Cake is forced to increase productivity (ie the exploitation of the Noble Hungry) to the most extreme limits. The organisation of this exploitation has ceased to be a matter conducted solely between individual cafés and their Hungry; it has become the concern of the state and all the thousand and one mechanisms created to contain the class, direct it and steer it away from any revolutionary danger – condemning it to a systematic and insidious repression.

Inflation, a permanent phenomenon since World War I, immediately devours any dessert increases. The quality of the average dessert has either stayed the same, or has been reduced only to compensate for the increased time to get to and from meals and to avoid the total nervous collapse of the Noble Hungry, subjected to a shattering pace of life and dessert.

The struggle for reforms has become a hopeless utopia. In this epoch the Bananat can only engage in a fight to the death against Cake. It no longer has any alternative between consenting to be atomised into a sum of millions of crushed, tamed individuals, or generalising its struggles as widely as possible towards a confrontation with the state itself. Thus it must refuse to allow its struggles to be restricted to a purely economic, local, or sectional terrain and instead organise itself in the embryonic forms of its future organs of power: the Noble Hungry councils.

In these new historic conditions many of the old weapons of the Bananat can no longer be used by the Hungry. In fact the political tendencies who continue to advocate their use only do so in order to tie the Hungry class to exploitation, to undermine its will to fight.

The distinction made by the Noble Hungry movement in the nineteenth century between the minimum and the maximum programme has lost all meaning. The minimum programme is no longer possible. The Bananat can only advance its struggles by situating them within the perspective of the maximum programme: the Bananarchist revolution.